FEMINISTS AND THE TORONTO PRESS


Sharon Dale Stone
York University


     Abstract.  This article reports the findings of a
     doctoral dissertation which studied the
     representation of the feminist movement in Toronto
     newspapers during the first six months of 1988.
     Theoretically, it was assumed that it is possible
     for the counter-hegemonic ideas of feminists to be
     represented in the press, that it is important for
     feminists to gain representation in the press, and
     that one cannot predict how audiences will
     understand messages found in the press.  The
     central question which guided the research was:
     "Under what conditions can feminist perspectives
     find expression in the mainstream press?"  A
     quantitative and qualitative content analysis of
     the newspapers was performed, searching for
     newspaper items relevant to feminist concerns and
     items that included representations of feminist
     voices.  In addition, newspaper journalists were
     interviewed to discover how they set about to
     produce newspaper content and in order to discover
     their views about the newsworthiness of feminists
     and the feminist movement.  Activists from
     selected feminist organizations were interviewed
     to discover their relationship with the Toronto
     mainstream press and the strategies they used to
     seek representation there.  It was found that an
     organization's ability to gain representation in
     the press depended largely upon the nature of the
     organization, including its size, its membership,
     and whether journalists were interested in
     constructing as newsworthy the issues with which
     it was concerned.  In addition, it was found that
     there were journalists who were sympathetic to the
     feminist movement and who were able to construct
     feminist activities and views as newsworthy.  By
     omission, however, they constructed the feminist
     movement as one composed of white and middle class
     women.  It was concluded that a model of the mass
     media which does not fully account for the
     possibilities of the representation of
     counter-hegemonic ideas cannot adequately explain
     how social change is possible.

     This article presents a summary of conclusions drawn
from a study of the relationship between feminists and the
mainstream press in Toronto (Stone, 1992).  The purpose of
the study was to inquire into the representation of the
feminist movement in the press and the process involved in
producing that representation.  The question of whether or
not feminists received "positive" or "negative" treatment in
the press was tangential to my central question which asked
about the conditions under which feminist perspectives could
find expression in the press.  Related to this was the
question of the extent to which feminist viewpoints were
actually represented in the press.

     At the outset, I made a number of assumptions which
influenced the subsequent research.  First, I assumed that
the feminist movement is a political movement that seeks to
effect widespread change vis-a-vis the status quo.  In this
sense, feminist ideology may be regarded as
counter-hegemonic.  For feminists to effect widespread
social change, however, it is necessary for them to gain
representation on the public agenda, and this task is
facilitated by gaining representation in the mainstream
press.  Another assumption, therefore, was that by gaining
representation in the mainstream press, feminists increase
their ability to influence the political agenda of
mainstream society.  A further assumption was that even
though the mainstream media _tend_ to reproduce the status
quo (Hall, 1979), it should be possible to subvert this
tendency.  In other words, the mainstream press is not a
monolithic entity, and a study of newspaper content should
be able to find "openings" for news of the feminist movement
and the expression of feminist ideas.

     Following David Morley's (1980) work on audiences, I
further assumed that audiences are heterogeneous and active.
We cannot speak of _the_ audience, but must speak of
_audiences_ in the plural, and it cannot be predicted how
these audiences will understand messages found in the
mainstream press.  If, for example, the feminist movement
receives "bad press," it cannot be concluded that audiences
will passively adopt a negative attitude towards the
feminist movement or be dissuaded from identifying with
feminist messages.

                        Methods [1]

     The questions posed above concerned not only newspaper
content but also relations between feminists and newspaper
journalists.  Content analysis, therefore, formed an
important part of the research strategy, but this method
could only yield information about what was actually printed
in the newspapers.  It could say nothing about the _process_
that led to the production of that content.  Thus, I
supplemented the content analysis with qualitative interview
data.  Interviewing journalists allowed me to gain an
understanding of their newsgathering practices and the
decision-making process as these related to feminism.  As
well, questioning feminist activists allowed me to gain an
understanding of the strategies used to gain access to the
Toronto daily press.

The Content Analysis

     Between 1 January 1988 and 30 June 1988 inclusive, I
scrutinized the morning editions of _The Globe and Mail_
(hereinafter referred to as the _Globe_), the _Toronto
Star_, and the _Toronto Sun_.  The _Globe_ was an
intellectual newspaper catering to business and professional
interests.  During the study period, it defined the feminist
movement as having the potential to affect business and
professional interests, and it therefore employed a women's
beat reporter to ensure that "women's issues" would be
systematically covered.  The _Star_ was a mass market
newspaper attempting to interest as large a readership as
possible.  Management was concerned that "women's issues" be
covered in the newspaper, but there was no reporter
comparable to the women's beat reporter at the _Globe_.  The
_Sun_ was a reactionary tabloid, which liked to think of
itself as catering to the interests of working people.
Management regarded the term "women's issues" as
problematic, and did not like to cater to "special interest
groups."

     Each day, I searched these newspapers for items about
the feminist movement and its concerns and I clipped these
items for analysis.  In this manner, I collected 3,693
newspaper items.  Then, using a method which has been termed
"ethnographic content analysis" (Altheide, 1987), I divided
the items into topics and sub-topics according to what was
discussed.  I also created a statistical summary of the
items, which provided a basis for qualitative and
comparative analysis.

Interviews with Journalists

     I interviewed twenty-three journalists (including
editors, reporters and columnists) who were involved in
placing discussions of feminism and feminist issues in the
newspapers.  Seven journalists were from the _Globe_, ten
were from the _Star_, and six were from the _Sun_.  In
open-ended and in-depth interviews, these journalists were
questioned about duties, newsgathering practices, relations
with feminist sources, and perceptions of feminist attempts
to gain access to the newspapers.

Questioning Feminists

     I questioned, either face-to-face or in writing,
representatives of twelve feminist organizations.  I also
gained information about other feminist organizations from
their publications, and in the case of the National Action
Committee on the Status of Women, I relied upon interviews
conducted by another researcher for a different study
(Worsfold, 1990).  The organizations made use of a variety
of organizational structures, varied in size, and focused
upon a variety of issues, including violence against women,
abortion rights, women and the law, child care, disability
and racism.  In general, my questions pertained to their
attitudes towards the press and the strategies used to
capture press attention.

                        Definitions

     The definition of a feminist has, in reality, been
endlessly debated, and no doubt these debates will continue
for some time to come.  My study was not meant as a
contribution to the debate over what properly constitutes a
feminist.  In operationalizing the term "feminist," my
intent was to create an unambiguous definition that would be
useful for comparative purposes.

     For the purpose of this study, the term "feminist" was
operationalized to include anyone who was explicitly
identified as such in the newspaper or anyone who spoke on
behalf of what the newspapers variously termed a "woman's
group" or a "feminist group."  I excluded representatives of
anti-feminist organizations and representatives or
organizations linked to either the federal or provincial
governments.  This definition allowed me to discover the
extent to which a newspaper reader who had no prior
knowledge of who was or was not a feminist, was provided
with information that was recognizably from a feminist point
of view [2].

     The question of the extent to which feminist
perspectives could find expression in the press was
operationalized as a search for access.  For the purpose of
this study, "access" was defined in general as present
whenever a feminist voice was explicitly represented in the
newspapers.  No distinction according to space was made, so
that an item with only one line of access counted equally
with an item containing several paragraphs of access.  As a
consequence of this definition, the study did not provide
data distinguishing between the expression of feminist ideas
that challenged the status quo and those that reflected only
the immediate political agendas of feminists.  Moreover,
this definition should not be taken to imply that all
feminists held the same views on various issues.  Again, my
intent was to create an operational definition useful for
comparative purposes.

                    Summary of Findings

     The content analysis showed that feminists gained a
significant amount of access to the newspapers.  It was
found that 614 of the total 3,693 newspaper items relevant
to the study, or an average of 17 per cent, provided access
for feminists.  The average of 17 per cent was not an
especially impressive figure, meaning as it did that the
overwhelming majority of items - 83 per cent - provided no
access for feminists.  Nevertheless, 17 per cent represented
a significant minority, and considerably more access than
one would expect to find were feminists regarded as entirely
marginal people.

     The average access figure of 17 per cent concealed
highly significant differences according to the topics
addressed in the newspapers.  For example, there were 1,590
newspaper items on violence against women, and the vast
majority of these (1,333 or 34 per cent) were
straightforward reports of instances of violence or of court
trials.  If these reports were omitted from consideration,
then the access figure on the topic of violence against
women alone would rise to 34 per cent.  It was also shown
that, depending on what particular aspect of violence
against women was addressed, feminists were able to gain
even more access to the newspapers: as high as 47 per cent
with regard to a feminist outcry over judicial sexism.
Similar results were found in analyzing newspaper coverage
of other topics relevant to feminism.

     The 1,590 newspaper items on violence against women
represented 43 per cent of all items in the study.  Were
these items omitted from consideration, then other
significant patterns could be found.  First, omitting these
items from consideration increased the average access figure
to 24 per cent.  More significantly, however, when these
items were excluded, it could be seen that feminists gained
a considerable amount of access in news and feature items:
270 of 983 news items or 27 per cent provided access for
feminists, while 118 of 316 feature items or 37 per cent
provided access.

     The qualitative analysis of content showed that
feminists were generally able to gain access to news and
feature items either because they were the ones making news,
or because journalists turned to them for comment on a news
story that feminists did not themselves create.  The
analysis also showed, however, that some feminists were more
likely than others to gain access to the newspapers to speak
about their issues.

     In questioning representatives of feminist
organizations, I found that not all organizations regarded
access to mainstream newspapers as an important goal.  Some
organizations, in fact, made no attempt to gain access to
the press.  Regarding feminists in organizations that
actively sought access to the newspapers, few were satisfied
with how they or their issues were represented in the press.
In general, I found that satisfaction with press coverage
correlated less with the strategies that were used by
organizations to gain access, and more with the social
status of the feminist activists and with the nature of the
issues with which they were concerned.  In general, the
higher the social status of the feminists, and the more
their issues articulated with issues that were already being
addressed by institutions such as the courts or governments,
the easier they found it to gain access to the press.

     For example, both the Women's Legal Education and
Action Fund (LEAF) and the National Association of Women and
the Law (NAWL) were largely made up of feminists who were
lawyers and who addressed women's rights.  Neither
organization reported any difficulty in gaining access to
the press, and both reported satisfaction with press
coverage of their concerns.

     The Older Women's Network (OWN), on the other hand, may
have had many members with professional degrees but the
education or occupation of members was not a salient factor
with regard to the organization.  Rather, what was salient
was that members were older women.  As such, they belonged
to a marginalized social group.  They were actively
addressing issues that were already on the public agenda,
such as housing, pensions, and job training, but OWN
addressed these issues from the marginalized perspective of
older women and advocated for the rights of older women.
Consequently, OWN had an easier time gaining access to the
press than organizations representing an even more
marginalized population.

     The Coalition of Visible Minority Women (CVMW) worked
to gain access to the press but found it extremely difficult
to attract their attention.  This organization addressed
issues already on the public agenda, such as immigration,
language, health, and employment, but CVMW addressed them
from the marginalized perspective of visible minority women
and advocated for the rights of visible minority women.
CVMW additionally addressed the issue of racism and this is
an issue with which the mainstream society is extremely
uncomfortable [3].  Given that CVMW's media strategy was
similar to that of other feminist organizations - it issued
press releases, called press conferences, and even
telephoned individual journalists - it is difficult to
attribute CVMW's poor reception by journalists to anything
other than a racist perception that the concerns of CVMW's
constituency were not those of the reading public.

     In interviewing journalists, it became abundantly clear
that journalists did not passively reproduce all information
that came their way, but actively worked to construct
reality.  They did so within the context of the overall tone
of the newspaper they worked for, but they also constructed
reality according to their individual sympathies, and there
was no necessary correspondence between the personal
sympathies of individual journalists and the overall tone of
the newspaper for which they worked.  Thus there were a
number of journalists at each newspaper who were sympathetic
to feminism and interested in providing feminists with
access to the newspapers.

     These journalists made a difference.  My analysis of
newspaper content showed that stories which provided access
for feminists were more likely to be written by journalists
sympathetic to the feminist movement.  In addition, it was
especially clear at the _Star_ that without the efforts of
journalists who self-identified as feminists, stories with
feminist content would have rarely graced the pages of the
first section of the newspaper.  These stories would have
remained ghettoized in the "Life" section [4].
Representation in the "Life" section, of course, is
infinitely preferable to no representation at all, but many
people do not even look at the section, let alone read it.
To the extent that feminists seek social change, they need
to have their views represented on the mainstream political
agenda, and the "Life" section is not the place to raise new
issues or discuss events that feminists would like to see
the mainstream society regard as priorities.

     Feminist journalists quite consciously sought
information about feminist activities and views and
constructed them as newsworthy.  As well, they told me in
interviews that they welcomed telephone calls from feminists
to find out about their activities.  These feminist
journalists clearly represented an important resource for
feminist activists.  At the same time, however, it can be
concluded from the analysis of newspaper content that it
would be too simplistic to take the prescriptions of
feminist journalists (e.g., "call us") at face value.
Although it _does_ appear, to paraphrase a _Star_ reporter,
that many stories about feminists would not have appeared
had feminist journalists not taken the initiative, it was
nevertheless obvious from the content analysis that even as
these journalists sympathetic to feminism went about
constructing reality with their stories, they constructed a
circumscribed picture of feminists and the feminist
movement.  This was not, moreover, because they were unaware
of the existence of organizations for marginalized women,
but for whatever reason, they chose not to highlight the
concerns of marginalized women or their organizations.

     There was, in fact, extremely little content about
concerns specific to marginalized women, and scarcely any
content at all that linked these concerns to the feminist
movement as a whole.  By omission, the newspapers presented
an implicit picture of the feminist movement as one that was
composed of and which advocated on behalf of white and
middle class women.

                   Newspapers and Social Change

     By focusing on the possibilities for the representation
of feminism in newspapers, with feminism defined as existing
in opposition to the status quo, the study found a number of
openings for such representation.  The press, in other
words, is flexible rather than intractable.  It is possible
to use, in the words of Harvey Molotch, "an established
institution to fulfil non-establishment goals" (1979: 71),
and when this is recognized, the prospects for social change
do not appear as bleak as they might otherwise appear.  An
adequate model of the mass media, of which mainstream
newspapers are a part, needs to fully recognize this
possibility.

     Without entirely accepting the usefulness of the
structural functionalist assumptions grounding the work of
George Homans (1950), one may nevertheless employ the
concept of a shifting social equilibrium to see that the
press has shifted towards a recognition of the rights of
women to participate fully in Canadian society.  This was
not the case in the 1960s, before the emergence of feminism
as a mass movement.  Many feminists, including one of the
journalists I interviewed, see this shift as one of the
great triumphs of the feminist movement.  As Michele
Landsberg told me in an interview:

     There's a much broader consciousness and
     awareness, especially on the part of younger
     people, of women's rights and of the validity of
     women's experience.  It isn't complete, by any
     means, but on specific issues, where the women's
     movement has been fighting for a long time -
     violence against women including rape and domestic
     assault, and abortion, and employment situations,
     equal pay, and so on - I think these are very
     widely accepted by the Canadian people and that's
     reflected in the news coverage.  I really do.
     Remember when Members of Parliament laughed about
     wife assault?  That was 1982.  Imagine that!  At
     the time I was astounded.  But people are still
     referring to that in tones of indignation, in news
     stories.  Those men were in disgrace for laughing
     like that.  In 1972, it wouldn't have even been
     noted or recorded.  So we've made progress, and
     the press has played a part in that.

In view of the data collected in this study - data, for
example, about editorials in the three Toronto newspapers
applauding the Supreme Court's 1988 ruling on abortion - it
is difficult not to agree with Landsberg that the balance
has indeed shifted towards a broad consciousness and
awareness of women's rights and the validity of women's
experiences.

     Other feminists might respond, however, that this is
evidence for the co-optation of feminism, and there is no
cause for celebration.  According to this argument, by
publicizing only the reformist aspects of a feminist agenda
or by emphasizing apparent feminist victories such as the
existence of competent women in non- traditional
occupations, the mass media are creating the impression that
there is no need for fundamental change.

     Similar arguments have been made about the struggle for
women's suffrage at the end of the nineteenth century and
the beginning of the twentieth century.  In the process of
struggling for the vote, feminist visions of a radically
transformed society quickly became subsumed under the
reformist quest for suffrage, and in the words of Jo
Freeman, "[w]hat was a means to an end became an end in
itself" (1975: 18).  Once the vote was won, according to
conventional wisdom, feminism died.  Indeed, in her study of
the suffrage movement in Canada, Carol Bacchi (1983) has
suggested that because suffrage was a reformist goal, the
disappearance of feminism was more or less inevitable.

     Yet feminism did not die.  Perhaps there were no mass
demonstrations by women once the vote was won, but feminist
research is beginning to document that feminist ideas lived
on (see, for example, Kealey and Sangster, 1989).  As Naomi
Black has argued:

     As we begin to uncover the history of women in the
     interwar and early postwar years, it becomes clear
     that, as might be expected, women like Nellie
     McClung and Helen Gregory MacGill moved with their
     customary energy to make use of the new
     instruments of influence for which they had fought
     so hard.  After enfranchisement, organized women
     were engaged in few concentrated campaigns, had
     less publicity and less success, *but their
     activity never stopped* (1988: 82; emphasis
     added).

     Moreover, many of the "reformist" women's voluntary
organizations that came together in 1966 to form the
Committee for the Equality of Women (CEW) had been active in
the campaign for women's suffrage.  The CEW pressed for a
royal commission on the status of women, and then
participated in forming the contemporary National Action
Committee on the Status of Women.  The history of feminist
activism in Canada does not yield convincing evidence to
support the argument that feminism has been or is in danger
of dying through co-optation.

     Certainly there is still a tremendous amount of change
that needs to come, and the fact that many people will now
acknowledge that women have rights does not do a great deal
for a woman who is beaten by her husband or a woman who is
unable to obtain paid employment because she cannot find
affordable child care for her children.  Even as it is
acknowledged that there has been a widespread change in
consciousness, it must also be acknowledged that the change
remains largely cosmetic.

     Especially in a complex society, however, change cannot
be expected to come all at once.  Unless feminists advocate
a sudden and violent revolution to overthrow patriarchy (and
I do not know of any feminists who seriously propose this),
then it is important to recognize incremental changes for
the victories that they are.  Slowly but surely, feminist
visions are beginning to permeate Canadian society.  It is
surely the very slowness of the changes that will ensure
their permanence.  And just as surely, the mainstream press
has and will continue to play a crucial role in
disseminating the ideas that undergird these changes.

   Study Limitations and Directions for Future Research

     This study examined the representation of feminism in a
limited number of newspapers covering a relatively brief
time period.  It was additionally limited to a discussion of
the feminist movement only as it existed in one particular
city.  These parameters restrict the possibilities for
generalizing the findings to other newspapers or other
movements with confidence.

     One limitation is that the Toronto market in 1988 was
unique with respect to media offerings.  Whereas the Toronto
market was (and remains) vigorously competitive, this is not
true in most Canadian cities, which are served by one
newspaper only.  The competitive situation in Toronto means
that there is great scope for diversity there, and Toronto
newspapers may be more open to the representation of
feminist ideas than those which operate without any
competition.  In addition, one of the newspapers studied,
the _Star_, was not part of a newspaper chain, while the
_Globe_ was owned by a newspaper chain but was nevertheless
operated independently from other newspapers in the chain.
By comparison, the vast majority of daily newspapers are
owned and operated by chains.  The independence of these two
newspapers, along with the fact that both catered to more
than just a Toronto audience, no doubt added to their
uniqueness.

     Furthermore, the Toronto newspapers have changed since
1988.  Perhaps the greatest change has been at the _Globe_,
which re- organized at the end of 1988 to focus more
squarely upon conventional business interests, and in the
process, eliminated the women's beat.  With this
elimination, a major opening for feminists disappeared, and
it is perhaps no longer as easy for feminists to attract the
attention of that newspaper.  Yet in December 1989, as
fourteen women were massacred in Montreal and newspapers
across the country offered editorial comment, the _Globe_
was one of the few newspapers - perhaps even the only
newspaper - to immediately and explicitly recognize the
massacre as a misogynist act that was a comment on the whole
society [5].  The _Globe_'s experiment with a women's beat
may be over, but the presence of feminists in the newsroom
has had long-lasting consequences.

     There have also been changes at the _Star_ and the
_Sun_.  At these newspapers, changes have not been as
sweeping as at the _Globe_, but there have, nevertheless,
been significant changes in personnel.  At the _Star_, for
example, during the study period there was a woman who
became a general assignment reporter in an attempt to
establish a women's beat - who, one might say, "infiltrated"
the city news desk - yet she no longer works there.
However, there have also been changes that have opened up
new possibilities for the representation of feminist views.
Perhaps the most important change is that Doris Anderson's
column moved to the op-ed page in the main section of the
newspaper.  In 1988 Anderson was an important resource for
feminists in the "Life" section; she now represents a
resource that feminists could use to gain access to the
first section.  It might also be added that by moving
Anderson's column, the _Star_ implicitly acknowledged the
importance and creditability of feminist perspectives.
Michele Landsberg, meanwhile, moved from the _Globe_ to the
_Star_ to write a column.  These are only a few of the
personnel changes that present new opportunities for
feminists to gain access to the _Star_.

     It would be useful for future studies of feminism and
the press to study a wider range of newspapers, to
incorporate the views of feminists in a variety of cities
and towns, and to conduct a comparative analysis over time
in order to chart and account for changes.  It would also be
useful to compare coverage of the feminist movement with
coverage of other social movements.  It may well be that
feminism is a unique social movement in that there are many
journalists who identify with the movement.  There is
evidence that journalists do not identify with, for example,
the peace movement (Hackett, 1991: 113).

     During a time when conservative politics dominates
mainstream agendas, anything we can discover about the
process of social change carries the potential of bringing
us one step closer to liberating transformation.  Effecting
progressive social change is, as always, a daunting task,
but there is reason for hope.  The task remains urgent.



                           NOTES

[1]  This section provides only a brief sketch of a complex
     methodology.  A full discussion may be found in Stone
     (1992).

[2]  This definition violates reality in a number of ways.
     For example, it required excluding the voices of
     feminists such as Dr.  Thelma McCormack when they were
     not explicitly identified in the newspapers as
     feminists.  It also required excluding the voices of
     feminists who spoke on behalf of institutions such as
     the Anglican Church of Canada but were not identified
     in the newspapers as feminists.  It is important to
     note that strict adherence to this definition led to a
     severe undercounting of the actual frequency with which
     feminist voices were represented in the newspapers.

[3]  For example, blacks in Toronto have argued for many
     years that the Toronto police force is racist, although
     few white people take the charge seriously.  In May
     1992 the charge was made again as demonstrations were
     held in Toronto to link a protest against what many saw
     as a racist court decision in the United States with
     racism in Toronto.  Premier Bob Rae responded by
     acknowledging that racism was a problem that needed to
     be addressed.  Prime Minister Brian Mulroney, however,
     responded by arguing that Canada is not a racist
     society.  Moreover, when some protesters became
     violent, numerous politicians were quick to point out
     that the problem was the economy instead of racism.

[4]  The "Life" section was an inside section of the _Star_
     intended to be devoted to features.  A number of the
     reporters for the "Life" section were self-identified
     feminists and were under no obligation to write for the
     main section of the newspaper, although some of them
     went out of their way to file news stories about
     feminism for the main section.

[5]  I followed newspaper coverage of the Montreal massacre
     with interest (although not systematically) and
     recognized the uniqueness of the _Globe_'s feminist
     analysis.  Diana Bronson, however, systematically
     analyzed the coverage and reached the same conclusion.
     According to Bronson:

     _The Globe and Mail_ distinguished itself from all
     other editorials written on December 8 ...  It is
     the only editorial to suggest that fertile ground
     for misogyny is to be found in society, indeed it
     is the only editorial to use the word "misogyny"
     at all.  It is the only editorial to link Lepine's
     violence to other forms of violence against women.
     It is the only editorial to talk about men's
     responsibility for their continuing oppression of
     women, and the only editorial to address women's
     fear ...  The reference point of Alistar Lowrie
     who wrote the editorial was women's experience,
     not other mass murders; at its centre was a
     social, not merely individual psychological
     malaise.  Its reasoning was feminist (1991: 17-
     18).


                            REFERENCES

Altheide, David (1987).  "Ethnographic content analysis."
     Qualitative Sociology 10: 65-77.

Bacchi, Carol Lee (1983).  Liberation Deferred?  The Ideas
     of the English Canadian Suffragist.  Toronto:
     University of Toronto Press.

Black, Naomi (1988).  "The Canadian women's movement: The
     second wave."  Pp. 80-102 in Changing Patterns: Women
     in Canada, eds.  Sandra Hurt, Lorraine Code and Lindsay
     Dorney.  Toronto: McClelland and Stewart.

Bronson, Diana (1991).  "Strategies of marginalization:
     Media, rhetoric and the polytechnique."  Unpublished
     manuscript.

Freeman, Jo (1975).  The Politics of Women's Liberation: A
     Case Study of an Emerging Social Movement and its
     Relation to the Policy Process.  New York: Longman.

Hackett, Robert A. (1991).  News and Dissent: The Press and
     the Politics of Peace in Canada.  Norwood, New Jersey:
     Ablex Publishing Corporation.

Hall, Stuart (1979).  "Culture, the media and the
     'ideological effect'."  Pp. 315-348 in Mass
     Communication and Society, eds.  James Curran, Michael
     Gurevitch and Janet Woollacott.  Beverly Hills,
     California: Sage Publications.

Homans, George C. (1950).  The Human Group.  New York:
     Harcourt, Brace and World.

Kealey, Linda and Joan Sangster, eds.  (1989).  Beyond the
     Vote: Canadian Women and Politics.  Toronto: University
     of Toronto Press.

Molotch, Harvey (1979).  "Media and movements."  Pp. 71-93
     in The Dynamics of Social Movements, eds.  Mayer N.
     Zald and John D. McCarthy.  Cambridge, Massachusetts:
     Winthrop Publishing.

Morley, David (1980).  The Nationwide Audience: Structure
     and Decoding.  London: British Film Institute.

Stone, Sharon Dale (1992).  Feminists and the Toronto Press:
     A Study of Their Relations in 1988.  Unpublished Ph.D.
     dissertation, Graduate Programme in Sociology, York
     University.

Worsfold, Nancy (1990).  An Organization and Its
     Discontents: The National Action Committee on the
     Status of Women.  Unpublished M.A. thesis, Department
     of Communications, Concordia University.