***** VAN ZYL ********** EJC/REC Vol. 5, No. 2&3, 1995 *****

MEDIA PERFORMANCE IN SOUTH AFRICA:
A SHIFT FROM VERTICAL TO HORIZONTAL MONITORING*


John van Zyl
University of Witwatersrand

Lara Kantor
Media Monitoring Project


        Abstract:  Monitoring the media was a crucial
     element of the democratic process in South Africa
     in l994.  The Media Monitoring Project (MMP) was
     one of the organizations which fulfilled this role
     ahead of and during the country's first democratic
     elections.  The MMP's roots were in a discontented
     civil society which demanded improved media
     coverage especially from the historically
     propagandist public broadcaster, the SABC, and
     particularly in the transitional phase.  The
     research produced through the MMP's monitoring was
     disseminated among pressure groups who lobbied for
     better news reporting.  The election period
     produced mechanisms for the statutory scrutiny of
     media and the MMP was able to contribute to these
     processes as well as play an informative role for
     civil society at large.  Post-election, the MMP is
     continuing to play a role in raising debate and
     interest in South African media issues.


     The Media Monitoring Project (MMP) was the leading
organisation monitoring the total output of news in radio,
television and print before and during South Africa's first
democratic elections in April 1994.  The main objective of
the MMP was to monitor the vertical top-down distribution of
information from powerful media institutions to citizens
many of whom were first-time voters, the majority
illiterate, unfamiliar with the concept of human rights and
not accustomed to the language of democracy.

     After the elections the MMP has had to change its role
from vertical to horizontal monitoring and to observe the
equal distribution of information _to_ all citizens, and
_from_ all citizens, and ensure that channels of access are
available to all citizens.  As Hamelink states:

     Conventional human rights thinking focuses on the
     vertical state-citizen relation.  This ignores the
     possibility that concentration of power in the
     hands of individuals can be as threatening as
     state power.  Whenever citizens pursue different
     economic interests, individual human right will be
     under serious threat.  Citizens also need to be
     protected from each other.[1]

     This paper describes the development of the MMP from a
vertical to a horizontal mode of monitoring.

History of the MMP

     From the time that the National Party government
assumed power in 1948 the broadcast media have been
perceived to be the voice of the state.  When television was
finally introduced in 1976, state skills in utilising the
broadcast media for propaganda purposes had become finely
tuned.  However, little consistent monitoring of radio and
television was undertaken although several newspapers
expressed concern about the disproportionate time devoted to
editorialising, as against hard news, in SABC broadcasts.

     A survey reported by _The Star_ newspaper as early as
1976 [2] found that South African cabinet ministers were
getting nearly 10 times more exposure on television than
spokespersons for all the country's opposition parties
combined.  The survey found that:

     In 24 newscasts (nearly 8 hours of viewing time)
     cabinet ministers were featured 38 times for a
     total of 27 minutes.  Compared with this, United
     Party spokespersons were featured 6 times, for a
     total time of about 2 minutes.

     The survey went on to note some of the strategies used
by SABC:

     * The promotion of government viewpoints by
       quoting its ministers and officials while
       generally not recording or inviting the views of
       its critics.

     * The promotion of pro-government black
       spokespersons while ignoring black government
       critics.

     * Using material that discredited foreign
       governments that were critical of apartheid.

     * Giving prominence to violence, social discord,
       race problems and oppression elsewhere, while
       playing down similar problems related to the
       Nationalist government's policies.

     * Promoting the spectre of Communism.

     * Reporting on black-ruled countries in a way
       likely to create the impression that black rule
       is synonymous with violence, chaos and
       impoverishment.

     The issue of state interference in news broadcasts was
kept alive in the press during 1976.  In 1977, with the
prospect of an election to be held later in the year, Donald
Woods, writing in _The Daily Dispatch_, stated:

     If you keep your eye on the television set you
     will find that the spokesmen of the
     pro-Nationalist 53 per cent of the white voters
     get something like 3000 per cent more opportunity
     to express their political views on TV than the
     spokesmen of the anti-Nationalist 47 per cent.
     [3]

     In 1977 a weekly television column, "On the Box with
John van Zyl" started in _The Star_ newspaper which was to
consistently and critically analyze the output of SATV for
fourteen years until 1991.

     In the face of the then upcoming election Rhodes
University Journalism Department undertook a quantitative
monitoring project in November 1977 under Professor Les
Switzer.  This project was a response to various disturbing
comments made by SABC executives including a leaked note
circulated by Don Briscoe, Manager of Children's and
Magazine programmes, which stated "programmes should follow
government policy, SABC policy and department policy."
Although Jan Schutte, Deputy Director Programmes, repudiated
the statement, the suspicion lingered that the SABC
slavishly followed party lines.

     The Rhodes survey followed standard content analysis
lines.  News programmes totalling 75 minutes and 58 seconds
were monitored and it was found that 47% of the time was
devoted to Nationalist Party officials, and 34% of the time
was devoted to the activities of the Nationalist party, a
staggering 81% total.  The survey ends with the words:

     If television is a prime source of information
     about candidates in a political campaign, one
     might well question how effectively SABC
     television is fulfilling this function in terms of
     the 1977 election in South Africa?[4]

     In 1989 the Institute for A Democratic Alternative in
South Africa (IDASA) commissioned the Media Studies unit of
the School of Dramatic Art of the University of the
Witwatersrand to monitor the general elections.  The
resulting document [5] showed quite conclusively the nature
and extent of the blatant support given to the Nationalist
Party by SABC-TV.  Sophisticated propaganda strategies were
employed by SABC-TV news managers, backed by similar radio
programmes.

The BMP

     Two years later, in 1991, partly as a result of the
IDASA project, a concerted monitoring project, initiated and
funded by Hylton Appelbaum of the Liberty Life Foundation,
was started at the Media Studies unit of the University of
the Witwatersrand.  The intention was basically a "watchdog"
one which would look for bias and propaganda in television
news and current affairs programmes specifically.  This
reflected a perception that in spite of the unbanning of the
ANC and other parties and the release of Nelson Mandela the
previous year, the news department of the SABC was still
staffed by the same total onslaught warriors and the news
did not represent the realities of the new South Africa.
For instance, resistance in the so-called homelands to
corruption and repression was seldom reported.  Instances of
legitimate industrial action (usually referred to as "labour
unrest") were systematically under-reported.

     This initiative became known as the Broadcast
Monitoring Project (BMP) and it began to issue statements
regularly to the media about examples of biased reporting.
It opted for a combined qualitative and quantitative mode of
analysis and adopted as a model the methodology devised for
monitoring the 1989 elections for IDASA.  The first study
was on the TV1 coverage of the plenary session of CODESA 1
in December 1991 which was submitted to the Codesa Working
Group 1.

     In January 1992 the BMP was represented at the Campaign
for Open Media's (COM) "Free, Fair and Open Conference" and
as a result monitored the SABC coverage of the whites-only
referendum.  This paper subsequently became a submission by
the COM to Codesa Working Group 1 in early April.  In the
hectic broadcasting negotiations that followed in 1993
between COM and others that resulted, for example, in the
establishment of the Campaign for Independent Broadcasting
and the appointment of a panel of eminent persons to select
the new SABC Board, the European Community added
considerable funding to the monitoring project through the
COM.

     This additional funding enabled the BMP to extend its
monitoring activities.  Although it had worked closely with
the COM/CIB alliance and shared its democratic principles,
it was decided that the BMP should be constituted
independently and not aligned with any political party.  On
April 21st the BMP became an autonomous body.

     It then began to train a team of monitors (drawn mostly
from the cadet journalists at the _Weekly Mail_) and
established regional teams in Natal and the Eastern Cape.
Monitoring was extended beyond the main "white"
English/Afrikaans television news on TV1 to the shorter news
bulletins on the "black" CCV channel.  This was soon
extended to the four main black radio channels and
ultimately to all of the radio channels and the main
newspapers.

     (Interestingly, the decision to monitor the English
"liberal" press was greeted by some editors with some
indignation as an infringement of journalistic freedom.)

Mission Statement

     The original mission statement of the BMP arose from
the need to assess the extent to which the SABC was
fulfilling its obligations as a public broadcaster in terms
of internationally accepted standards of promoting fairness,
impartiality and diversity of opinions.

     The BMP believed that the SABC should be informed by
the ideals of a non-racial, non-sexist, democratic South
Africa which were fundamental to the reconstruction of the
society.  It acknowledged the United Nations Universal
Declaration of Human Rights, particularly Article 19:

     Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and
     expression, this right includes the right to hold
     opinions without interference and to seek, receive
     and impart information and ideas through any media
     and regardless of frontiers.

     This, together with other Human Rights conventions like
the 1978 UNESCO "Declaration on Fundamental Principles
concerning the Contribution of the Mass Media..." in its
entirety were taken as forming the mission statement of the
BMP.

     In an internal document approved by the Board of
Trustees at that time [6] the BMP stated that it was
essential that first-time voters be informed about issues of
national importance and that it had set itself the task of
analyzing news coverage and publicising the results in order
to enhance public awareness about the manner in which the
media were reporting the political situation.  It stressed
that it was particularly concerned with monitoring the news
and current affairs output of the publicly funded SABC radio
and TV stations in view of its history of propaganda and
being the mouthpiece of the Nationalist party.

     The SABC with 8.8 million television viewers and 12.3
million daily radio listeners had a monopoly over the
airwaves.  In addition, since most South Africans were
functionally illiterate and large sections of rural South
Africa had limited access to newspapers, SABC radio news was
often the sole source of information (and invariably judged
to be accurate and impartial by those listeners.)
Recognising that the SABC existed in a particular context
and time in South African history, the MMP noted Resolution
4.301 adopted in 1970 by the General Conference of UNESCO
which states that the mass media can make a fundamental
contribution to the furthering of international
understanding and cooperation in the interests of peace and
human welfare.

     Since the SABC had played an active role in
disseminating information which helped maintain the
apartheid system it has an added obligation to redress past
information imbalances.  As Article 2 of the UNESCO Paris
Declaration of 1978 states:

     The mass media throughout the world, by reasons of
     their role, contribute to promoting human rights,
     in particular by giving expression to oppressed
     peoples who struggle against colonialism,
     neo-colonialism, foreign occupation and all forms
     of racial discrimination and oppression and who
     are unable to make their voices heard within their
     own territories.

     Furthermore, the BMP believed that the SABC, as public
service broadcasting was obliged to represent the colonial
and political aspirations of the whole population.  It had
the obligation to "level the information playing field" by
redressing racial cultural and political myths propagated
during the apartheid regime.  Lastly, the SABC had
historically been the propaganda arm of the Nationalist
Party government.  This had resulted in an imbedded
"naturalised" news culture, so pervasive as to be invisible
to the journalists involved it.

     This meant that even sincere attempts to reform news
reporting from within would probably take some time to be
effective.  The BMP therefore had both an educative as well
as monitoring role with regard to the SABC.

Categories of News Stories

     The project chose three categories of news stories as
the focus of its analysis.

     During 1992 and 1993, political violence in South
Africa soared.  The violence involved political
organisations as well as state structures and therefore had
a profound impact on the progress of the constitutional
negotiations process.  The first category which the project
focused on was news coverage of violence.  This included an
assessment of the presentation of the various players, the
extent of the coverage given to violent incidents, the
context provided to the causes of the violence and the
manner in which perpetrators and victims of violence were
portrayed on SABC.

     The second category was an assessment of the
representation of the political scenario in the country --
particularly, the portrayal of the transition process.  The
coverage of the minority parliament, government and
structures of apartheid such as the homelands and
self-governing territories was also examined.  This area of
analysis laid the groundwork for the project's focus on the
coverage of the election.

     The third category was an analysis of how the SABC was
responding to the changing socio-economic environment in the
country.  SABC coverage of various socio-economic issues,
such as housing, social services, poverty, and labour was
assessed in terms of the priority afforded to them by the
SABC and the discourse through which the issues were
represented.

     The BMP was always concerned that its research not just
be an academic exercise but that it be distributed to those
organisations with an interest in the transformation of the
South African media.  To this end, reports were issued every
two weeks to a wide variety of political, media, academic
and monitoring organisations, as well as the SABC's board
and editorial management.  A bi-monthly newsletter reviewing
particular aspects of news coverage and commenting on the
process of change within the SABC was also sent out.

Performance of the SABC in 1993

     At the end of 1993, the then BMP released a report
entitled "6 Months of the New SABC".  The report was an
overview of SABC news and current affairs coverage in the
six months since the new board of control had assumed
office.  The report found that there had been "little
substantial change in either radio or television news
broadcasts", that "many of the old-style myths and
prejudices were still evident in the news bulletins" and
that "a bias towards the government is clearly manifest in
much political reporting."

     The report stated that the SABC's institutional
structure was one of the determining factors in its failure
to reorient the content of its news programming.

     The structural separations between broadcast channels
at the SABC were one of the major problems influencing news
coverage.  On television there were clear racial and ethnic
differences between CCV (the "black" broadcasting service)
and TV1 (the "white" broadcasting service).  The news
bulletins were produced separately by black and white
journalists and editorial teams which, aside from resulting
in an unnecessary duplication of resources, often resulted
in the development of "black news" and "white news".  There
was a marked difference in coverage between the two news
services.  Black political parties received less time on TVl
than on CCV, and traditionally white political parties were
prioritised on TVl news.  Moreover, the project provided
several examples of cases in which TV1 and CCV had given
differing, sometimes conflicting, perspectives on news
issues of national importance.

     Finally, the report concluded:

     The research undertaken by the Broadcast
     Monitoring Project over the past year has shown
     that SABC news services have revealed a distinct
     sympathy towards government and state
     institutions, while largely misrepresenting or
     under-representing opposition political
     organisations, particularly those organisations
     who have opposed apartheid in the past.
     Simultaneously SABC has continued to perpetuate a
     racial division in its news coverage both by
     retaining an infrastructure that was essentially
     based on the policy of separate development, and
     by marginalising black society and perpetuating
     racist myths in its news coverage.[7]

     Less than another six months later however, the MMP was
to conclude that there had been an improvement in SABC news
coverage and that the SABC and other media coverage of the
election had been adequate.

Preparing for the Election

     The BMP now converted itself into the Media Monitoring
Project (MMP) and began actively preparing for the task of
monitoring the television coverage of the pre-election phase
of the first democratic elections in South Africa.  Funding
was now supplemented by donations from various donors
including the Canadian Embassy, the Australian Embassy and
the Belgian government (through the Fonds Voor Ontwikkeling
Samenwerking).  Additional experts in media monitoring, like
Professor Rodney Tiffen were seconded from Australian and
Canadian universities.

     The MMP deemed it to be of vital importance that all
broadcast news and actuality should be monitored since South
Africans had never had the chance to participate in
democratic electoral procedures and it was essential that
they should be fully informed about issues of national
importance.  At this stage there was a change of emphasis in
the motivation of the MMP's activities.  Not only would
there be an analysis of news and actuality for bias and
propaganda, but there would also be an account of events
under-reported, or not covered at all.

     The MMP changed its monitoring operation quite
considerably in the four month period before the election
and it was decided that it should monitor a wider sample of
media including the print media and independent radio.  The
point of departure at this stage was to assess the role
played by the South African media in covering the country's
first democratic elections.  The project saw the key
standards in the media's news reporting as:

     * That there be equitable treatment of all
       parties.

     * That there be no discrimination against any
       political party, that there be no preference for
       any political party and no prejudice against any
       party.

     * That there be no material reported as news which
       was intended to support or advance the interests
       of any political party.

     The MMP was not solely concerned with the coverage of
different political parties.  The project also wanted to
ensure that the electorate was kept fully informed of the
election processes and policy issues.

     The research was distributed in the form of a Daily
Report.  From the beginning of February, Daily Reports were
sent out each morning to a mailing list of over 50
organisations comprising local and international monitoring
groups, embassies, the media and political parties.  Each
Daily Report was a critique of the news of the past 24
hours.  The Daily Reports also contained a commentary
section which highlighted particularly interesting or
noteworthy aspects of the previous day's coverage.

     The MMP was also contracted by the Independent Media
Commission (IMC) to undertake some of the monitoring on
behalf of that structure.  The IMC was one of the statutory
bodies set up during the multiparty negotiating process to
monitor and observe South Africa's first democratic
elections.

     The IMC's task was to ensure that all participating
political parties were treated equitably on editorial
programmes broadcast by all South African broadcasters.  The
monitoring results of the MMP and the South African
Communications Services (which provided statistical data)
were synthesised by an analysis unit in the IMC's
Broadcasting Directorate.  It was on the basis of the
synthesised monitoring results, that the Directorate made
the decision whether to initiate a complaint against a
particular broadcaster.

     At the end of March, the MMP printed and distributed a
report on the project's interim findings.  The MMP's Final
Report was produced in the week after the election.

Media Performance During the Election

     In its Final Report, printed after the election, the
MMP concluded that, overall, the media had recognised the
importance of the election and had aided the democratic
process by according it extensive coverage.[8] In giving
access to a variety of views, the media had contributed to a
climate favourable to a free and fair election.  As
expected, the coverage of political news during the election
was extensive.  The MMP found that in television news,
political stories often took up more than half the bulletin
during the election period.  The MMP concluded that the
media coverage certainly did nothing to invalidate the
election result.  The MMP observed nothing on radio or
television to substantially advantage or disadvantage any
party to the extent that it could be claimed the election
result was unfairly skewed.

     The MMP's final figures on who appeared in the news did
not present any gross departures from what might be expected
given the electoral support and political resources of the
major organisations.

     In current affairs programmes, considerable effort was
made to give all players -- including minority parties --
adequate opportunity to put their case.  In news programmes,
the campaigns and policies of major parties -- and their
reactions to those of their opponents -- were covered
extensively.

     The prolonged election campaign was therefore a period
of growth and improvement in media performance.
Experimentation with formats designed to provide greater
pluralism gradually improved reporting of political
violence, etc.

     In some ways, the process of growth could be said to
have climaxed with the SABC's coverage of the election days
themselves, achieving a sustained quality of coverage that
little preceding it would have led one to predict.  As a
result, the media fostered an atmosphere of diversity and
open-endedness in the political process.

     However, the country's first democratic election
produced many new challenges for the media, challenges to
which they did not always respond with sufficient
professionalism.  The MMP identified some shortcomings in
media performance.  The following is a summary of some of
the project's observations.

Lack of Critical Analysis

     Careful scrutiny and penetrating analysis of political
claims and counter-claims were frequently lacking during the
campaign.  The role of the news media should be to provide
information and analysis on the parties' policies.  To do
so, reporters must sift through a mountain of policies,
statements, interviews, claim and counter claim -- cut
through the speculation, hype and rhetoric -- to get to the
real issues of the campaign.  But too often, political
speeches or statements were reported without the real story
being told.  This lack of critical analysis meant the
message was omitted.  The presentation of policy took second
place to a concentration on personalities or tangential
issues.  News became "event-driven" rather than
"issue-driven."

     The dominant issues for the media were those dealing
with the political and electoral process itself.  Only 38%
of stories on television were deemed to have a clear
reference to policy and over 60% of these involved issues to
do with the political process.  Relegated to virtual
invisibility during the campaign were economic policy
questions (about 1% of policy references) and questions to
do with social policies and quality of life (2%).

     Politicians appeared frequently in the news (coding
revealed 1177 quotes from political representatives) and
were too often allowed to set and control the news agenda.
There was also lack of editorial initiative in evaluating,
or relating the claims of politicians from different parties
to each other, at least in the same story.  Many stories had
a simple source structure in which the political figures
were able to put their views, without any counter-arguments,
even by those they were making claims about.

Editorial Directions

     Some South African media (notably the Afrikaans press
and the SABC) have a legacy of passive, obedient and
unquestioning editorial practice.  This manifested itself in
a number of different ways:  in the presentation of news and
current affairs, in the quality of interviews, and in
particular, the failure of the SABC to keep up with
international stories, and in the broadcasters' ability to
cover stories as they break.

     News programmes were often slow off the mark to cover
major events.  On occasion, important stories were allowed
to die because of an inability on the part of journalists to
do follow-up legwork.  Consequently, issues sometimes
remained unresolved, statements unchallenged and the real
story untold.  In the electronic media, the major grist for
the news-mill was provided by public occasions and the
publicity seeking activities of political groups and
institutions.

     Three major categories could be distinguished.  The
first, comprising almost half of the news occasions
reported, involved deliberate publicity moves and public
campaigning.  The second large group of news-generating
occasions were formal meetings and the proceedings of
political institutions, totalling about 20%.  The third
group of story occasions involved what can be broadly
labelled as disorder news.  Incidents of group violence
(4%), strikes (5%) and other protest activity (5%) were the
staples of this coverage.

     The extent to which the electronic media were reacting
blindly to media events constructed by major political
players, and to obvious public events, was shown by the
rarity of reports based primarily on media enterprise and
in-depth journalism.  Only two television stories were
labelled as special media reports.  None were specifically
called special investigations.

     The MMP was concerned that the reporting of some issues
was so fragmented that it concealed or distorted the real
story.  This was especially true of the treatment of
violence in Kwazulu/Natal by some media.  The story was not
an easy one to report on because of the remoteness of the
area.  The confused and uncertain situation was not helped
by the contradictory statements of some party officials.
However, the fragmented way in which some of the South
African media covered the incidents of violence and the
comments of public figures did nothing to build a coherent
picture of what was happening in the province.  As part of
its Interim Report, the MMP proposed four points as a media
guide for reporting of violence.  They were:

     1. All victims of violence should be treated with
        equal dignity, irrespective of class, race and
        gender.

     2. Forecasts and fears of violence must be treated
        with great caution by the media.

     3. Media reporting should never treat the
        occurrence of violence with indifference, or
        imply an acceptance of its inevitability or
        acceptability.

     4. As far as possible, media reporting should aim
        to make the incidents explicable to their
        audiences, to portray them with precision, and
        where necessary, pinpoint responsibility.

     Sadly though, by the end of the election, there was
very little improvement in violence reporting.

Audience Segregation

     Perhaps the most important problem that the SABC, and
to a lesser extent the press, failed to counter, was the
traditional apartheid separation of news audiences based on
race.  Although newspapers, radio stations and television
channels claimed their target audiences were not racially
defined, the selection of news stories often betrayed a
crude racial classification of their audience and did little
to promote a common cause of democracy.

     Vast differences in line-ups, angle and tone were
noticed frequently.  On the surface, the idea of a range of
newsrooms exhibiting different approaches, values and
attitudes has merit because of the diversity and choice it
offers.  However, if all it means is that each language
group is provided with a single news focus based on a news
editor's racially-based news judgement, there is no
diversity, only biased reporting.

Conclusion: Horizontal Monitoring

     The MMP has associated itself with the world-wide move
to ensure the quality of the provision of information and
culture to all citizens.

     The Penang-based Third World Network is putting civil
society interests on the agenda, and The People's
Communication Charter initiative which was launched at the
1994 IAMCR Conference in Seoul (reported in the June l994
IAMCR newsletter) can provide the basis for this sort of
monitoring.

     The sort of horizontal monitoring that The People's
Charter implies can be detected in its objectives:

     The Charter intended to contribute to a critical
     understanding of the significance of communication
     in the daily lives of individuals and peoples;

     The Charter articulates a shared position on
     communication from the perspective of people's
     interests and needs;

     The Charter aims to bring to (national and
     international) policy making processes a set of
     claims that represent people's fundamental right
     to communicate.

     The MMP sees a clear purpose for itself in lobbying the
media to guard the interests of the SA public, and
monitoring whether they report events in South Africa in a
fair and balanced fashion, informing citizens fully and
properly.  While the MMP cannot claim responsibility for the
changes that have already taken place in the South African
media, the project believes it played an important role in
raising debates and interest in media issues.  It will
continue to do this.  Current areas of research are:

     News Bias, Education and Development and the
     Media, Gender and Race and the Media and Media
     Legislation and Regulation.

     The MMP continues to release three forms of research on
a regular basis:  a monthly publication, _Media Mask_, a
weekly _Media Update_, while also undertaking media research
and analysis for other organisations on a contract basis.


                        References

     1. Hamelink.  C., "The Human Right to Communicate in
Civil Society," In Nordenstreng, Kaarle & Kleinwaechter,
Wolfgang (eds.), CSCE and Information, Proceedings of a
Seminar of Experts, Tampere, April 24-27, 1992 (p. 12).
University of Tampere.

     2. "Who Gets Airtime?," The Star, 12 June 1976, p. 5.

     3. Woods, D., Editorial Comment, Daily Dispatch.
October 14th 1977, p. 8.

     4. Political Representation on SABC-TV:  Content
Analysis.  Rhodes University Journalism Department.
Novemher 1977, Unpublished paper, p. 11.

     5. van Zyl, J. Media and Myth.  The construction of
television news.  IDASA Paper 32, 1990, p. 2.

     6. Broadcast Monitoring Project.  Unpublished
methodology paper. 23 April 1993, p. 1.

     7. Broadcast Monitoring Project, "6 Months of the New
SABC", 1993, p. 1.

     8. Media Monitoring Project, "Media Aided Democratic
Process," 1994.
------------------------------------------------------------
Author Information:  John van Zyl
                     Applied Broadcasting Center
                     University of Witwatersrand
                     Parkhurst 2120
                     Johannesburg
                     South Africa
                     Telephone: 27-11-646-1493
                     Fax: 27-11-646-3407

                     Lara Kantor
                     Media Monitoring Project
                     P.O.Box 366
                     Wits, 2050
                     South Africa
                     Telephone: 27-11-838-7522
                     Fax: 27-11-838-7407
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*This paper appeared originally, and in slightly different
 form, in the journal _Communicare_, Vol. 13(2), December
 1994.
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   Communication Institute for Online Scholarship, Inc.

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