Abstract.  This article investigates women's experiences regarding the intersection of motherhood and organizational participation. Gendered practices governing parenting and career responsibilities, discriminatory organizational practices, and pervasive assumptions that working mothers are less reliable, less committed, or less professional than their childless colleagues contribute to subordination in work and family domains. Critical and feminist perspectives on organizational communication highlight systems of control and resistance and suggest approaches for exposing discriminatory practices.

Methods emphasizing feminist principals and affirming women's voices were employed. First, depth interviews with seventeen women representing a spectrum of "standpoints" were conducted. Transcripts were subjected to textual analysis. Next, in order to obtain interpretive validity, five of the women participated in a focus group discussion regarding initial findings. Field notes on process and relational concerns were also analyzed.

Three central themes will be explicated here. "Children in the Workplace" relates to participants' experiences with "bringing" children into the workplace - physically, electronically, and symbolically. "Speaking of Motherhood" concerns "family talk" and the conversations serving as primary vehicles for bringing children to work. "Supervising Motherhood" concerns supervisory patterns and interactions women use in interpreting whether or not to edit ties to motherhood. Discussion of findings focuses on the fluidity of working mothers' "public" and "private" experiences, identity expressions in the workplace, self-serveillance and control, and implications for further inquiry.
 

Dora 107 Yeah, we do, we talk. Not a lot and not to certain people because you don't want your family to become an issue if they're considering you for a position. If you talk too much about your family they unobviously will overlook you. . . .

Roots of women's subordination are linked to their biological capacity for childbirth and, more specifically, to pervasive, taken-for-granted assumptions and discursive practices governing motherhood in relation to organizational participation (Burton, 1992; Chira, 1998; Martin, 1992; Spiller, 1993). As Cockburn (1991) summarizes:

Motherhood and labor force participation are not mutually exclusive terms. Throughout history, mothers worked for wages outside the home (Barber, 1994). Mothers with preschool children are the fastest growing segment of the labor force; over 60% of mothers with children under age six are employed an average of 35 hours per week (US Census Bureau, 1999). About 75% of women in the work force will be pregnant at some point during their careers (Casey, 1995; US Census Bureau, 1999). Pregnant women are also more visible in organizations, as women are working longer into pregnancies and taking maternity leaves of only three months (Casey, 1995; US Census Bureau, 1999). Women also perform the majority of home and child care tasks--even in couples with both employed full-time (Chira, 1998; Ferber, O'Farrell, & Allen, 1991; Franck & Brownstone, 1993; Hochschild,1997; Landes, et al., 1994). Domestic labor increases for mothers without parenting partners and for those without paid assistance. "Gender asymmetries" in family work affects women's and men's organizational experiences differently (Diamond, 1987; Sheppard, 1992; Valdez & Gutek, 1987).

Although reproduction and childcare can constitute significant aspects of people's lives, these realities remain submerged within organizational analyses (Gutek & Larwood, 1987; Spade, 1989; Sheppard, 1992). Motherhood is often treated as a taboo topic within organizational investigations. This silence is linked to vestiges of the public/private divide, which rhetorically constructs sexuality, reproduction, and family as "private" functions existing beyond the purview of "public" organizational responsibility (Acker, 1992; Deetz, 1992b; Gubrium & Holstein, 1995; Martin, 1992; Nippert-Eng, 1996; Saxonhouse, 1992). Another reason for this silence is that women's capacity for motherhood serves as moral and legal justification for women's differential (subordinated) treatment in the workplace (Bacchi, 1991; MacKinnon, 1993; Spiller, 1993). Further, those ostensibly controlling organizational resources and decision-making can resist attempts to increase gender equity for fear of losing favored status (Ferguson, 1984; Gould, 1992; Reskin & Padavic, 1994; Walby, 1986).

Political and emotional turbulence surrounding the treatment of "working mothers" points to the need for critical exploration. This investigation seeks to interrupt the "spiral of silence" (Kramarae, 1981) by privileging women's experiences and communication regarding the intersection of motherhood and workforce participation. Core areas of inquiry include organizational practices concerning motherhood in the workplace and women's communication relative to their identities as workers and mothers. Of particular interest are self-perpetuating processes of control. To this end, literature on Critical and feminist approaches to organizational communication will be reviewed. Since inequities within one subsystem of society mirror inequities within the system as a whole, investigations regarding gender and work must confront the intersection of "public" and "private" labor (Chira, 1998; Cockburn, 1991; Ferguson, 1984; Ramazanoglu, 1989; Sheppard, 1992). Recurrent tendencies to treat women as "variables," rather than as central participants in the construction of organizational communication, also point to the need to formulate more creative modes of inquiry (Ashcraft & Pacanowski, 1996; Bullis, 1993; Marshall, 1993; Mumby, 1993b; Oleson, 1994).

Critical scholarship is declaredly emancipatory in nature (Farrell & Aune, 1979), and as such is best equipped to examine potential sources of institutional change. Implicitly, critical approaches incorporate opportunities for increasing people's awareness as to the very nature of these social arrangements. Critical approaches to organizational communication recognize that organizational life can best be investigated via the "hermeneutics of suspicion" (Mumby, 1993a), which questions the natural attitude and examines discursive practices which present and re-present systems of domination and control (Deetz & Mumby, 1990; Mumby, 1993a, 1993c). Thus, critical organizational studies target institutionalized forms of oppression and aim at un-covering both obtrusive and unobtrusive practices controlling people in the workplace (Alvesson, 1993; Deetz, 1992b; Deetz & Mumby, 1990; Mumby, 1993a, 1993c; Thompson & McHugh, 1990). Formalized rules, procedures, and work standards, along with supervisory authority and obtrusive forms of surveillance, provide the backbone of this control (Morgan, 1986). However, disciplinary apparatus are not always as concrete as rules, employee manuals, or the presence of managers (Alvesson, 1993; Barker & Cheney, 1994; Foucault, 1977; Mumby & Stohl, 1991; Thompson & McHugh, 1990). Of particular interest are unobtrusive control processes arising out of sets of routines and taken for granted schemes that become part of the natural attitude, or "ideological closure" (Hall, 1985; 1989).

At the core of organizational control are mechanisms which escape employees' detection. Control apparatus are infused throughout meaning systems, including narratives and discourse, and contribute to the more "hidden" forms of conflict in organizations (Kolb & Putnam, 1992; Martin, 1992; Mumby, 1993c). Especially potent forms of control are found in rationalization processes, with resultant effects of replacing supervisory control with mechanized control and self-pacing. Power and control then move from individuals known as management, and are distributed throughout organizations' work processes, tools and technologies, and ideologies (Deetz, 1992b). Impersonal strategies and administrative rules transform into self-adopted "standards" driving employees' efforts towards efficiency (Barker & Cheney, 1994; Morgan, 1986). Foucault (1977) provides one schema for viewing institutionalized mechanisms which perpetuate control. The panoptic architectural design, as evidenced in penal institutions' guard towers, allows for maximum control by those in power. However, power relations transcend physical structures and furnishings constraining bodily activity. Perpetual surveillance by those in control often results in the "internalization" of external modes of surveillance. Just as prisoners become so accustomed to continual, watchful gazes of wardens that they monitor their own behavior to avoid punishment, members of organizations become accustomed to watchful gazes of supervisors and to rules and procedures governing their actions, that even in their absence they feel their effects and engage in self-surveillance. Perceptions of being watched influence thinking and action and induce "willful obedience" (Barker & Cheney, 1994).

Gendered organizational practices and structures, particularly those which reflect and sustain discrimination and inequity, are guided by pervasive social norms and assumptions regarding men and women in and out of the workplace (Acker, 1992;Ashcraft & Pacanowski, 1996; Burrell, 1992a, 1992b; Cockburn, 1991; Ferguson, 1984; Reskin & Padavik, 1994; Ramazanoglu, 1989; Sheppard, 1992). The most salient among these taken-for-granted assumptions are "woman equals mother" and the "public/private divide."

"Woman Equals Mother."

Although it is physically possible for men to rear children, women almost always assume the role of primary child rearers (Chira, 1998; Chodorow, 1978). Motherhood can be seen as an institution which prescribes and conditions the circumstances of women's lives so they are locked into a limited number of choices (Rich, 1986/1976). Motherhood has been culturally-laden as women's responsibility such that women's worth is often judged first and foremost according to their roles as mothers. In sum, "At the same time that society writes women off as mothers, it also requires them to be mothers" (Eisenstein, 1986, p. 15, italics in original). Even women who are not mothers are constrained by cultural and sex-role expectations governing their identities as potential mothers (Acker, 1992; Afek, 1990; Cockburn, 1991; Landa, 1990; Sheppard, 1992).

Despite women's increasing workforce participation, traditional ideologies regarding "proper" roles of men and women in relation to career and family persist (Aburdene & Naisbitt, 1992; Chira, 1998; Orthner, Bowen, & Beare, 1990; Spade, 1989). Pleck (1977) coined the term "asymmetrical impermeable boundaries" to denote differential career/family expectations for women and men. Men were assumed to be career-primary and responsible for the majority, if not totality, of their family's wages. Men's work was expected to pre-empt (if not exempt them from) family and home-related responsibilities. Conversely, women were assumed to be supported by men's wages, and to be solely responsible for bearing and rearing children, home care, and supporting men's careers. Women were seen mostly as casual workers, entering job markets as marital and childrearing responsibilities permitted, to take jobs that required little training and afforded few advancement opportunities. Hence, women did not have "real careers," but worked merely to earn "pin money" to supplement husbands' incomes (Bailyn, 1978; Gutek & Larwood, 1987; Rubin, 1976). These "asymmetrical impermeable boundaries" continue to operate, so that men are expected to use family time to meet work responsibilities, while women are expected to adjust work time to meet family responsibilities (Burley, 1991; Chira, 1998). "Mother at home" ideologies are supported within academic and mainstream research, which tends to focus on presumably negative effects of women's work on children, marital relationships, and home-related tasks (Chira, 1998; Garfinkel, 1986; Lerner & Galambos, 1991; Moen, 1992; O’Connell, 1987; Spade, 1989; Sugar, 1994). Widespread ideologies of "career-primary men"and "family-primary women" undergird organizational policies and programs (Aburdene & Naisbitt, 1992; Deetz, 1992a; Kanter, 1984; Landes, et. al, 1994; Orthner, et. al, 1990; Sheppard, 1992; Schwartz, 1992).

The Public/Private Divide

Another significant conceptual anchor for explaining social practices governing gender and power relations is the "public/ private divide" (Chira, 1998; Eisenstein, 1986; Hearn & Parkin, 1992; Martin, 1992; Nippert-Eng, 1996; Ramazanoglu, 1989; Sheppard, 1992; Walby, 1986). Within this conceptual framework, the public domain, including political and organizational activity, is seen as dominated by men, and thus assumes a "male" character. The private domain, including childrearing, familial relations, and home maintenance, is dominated by women, and thus is ascribed a "female" character. Due to their differential relations to modes of production, capital, and the acquisition of resources, men and public activity are more highly valued than women and their activities.

The public/private divide is deeply rooted within organizational practices and processes. Weber's ideal bureaucratic formula sought to suppress all vestiges of private functions, particularly emotionality and sexuality, from organizational quests for rationality and impersonality (Burrell, 1992a, 1992b; Mumby & Putnam, 1992; Thompson & McHugh, 1990; Waldron, 1994). Within organizations, people were expected to leave personal, non-work related issues at home. Although it is a myth, the public/private divide influences organizational participants in many ways. First of all, organizational members can behave as if separation were possible, or that the "private" is incongruous with organizational functioning Kanter, 1989). Among the greatest consequences of the public/private divide are organizational attempts to desexualize labor. Burrell (1992a), echoing Foucault (1977), sees thecontainment and suppression of sexuality as one of the first tasks of bureaucratic organizations. Secondly, the myth has been "normalized" such that organizational commitment over and above family and community commitments are seen as necessary and normal (Acker, 1992; Calás & Smircich, 1992; Deetz, 1992a; Kanter, 1989).

Analytical distinctions between work and family as two spheres maintain women's invisibility and contribute to differential evaluations of men's and women's experiences (Sheppard, 1992). The public/private divide is a fundamental ideology reinforcing women's subordination as "domestic" entities (Acker, 1992; Cockburn, 1991; Eisenstein, 1986; Ferguson, 1984; Hearn & Parkin, 1992; Martin, 1992; Ramazanoglu, 1989). Women's assumed identity as mothers, the myth of separate worlds, as well as workplace desexualization, constitute powerful forms of (potential) ideological control.

Women can be subjected to a variety of communicative phenomenon which excludes, subordinates, or harasses them into questioning their identities as employees and as mothers (Cockburn, 1991; Martin, 1992; Rubin, 1976; Sheppard, 1992). For example, so called "mommy bashing" typically targets mothers employed outside of the home, and particularly those utilizing child-care services (Chira, 1998; Faludi, 1991; Hochschild, 1997; Peters, 1997). Such messages are also intertwined among official organizational speeches and documents and newcomers' job orientations (Landes, et al., 1994; Martin, 1992), or located within casual organizational narratives (Clegg, 1993; Kolb & Putnam, 1992; Mumby, 1987; 1993c). Added to this are the myriad combinations of verbal and nonverbal forms of harassment found in everyday communication, including teasing and joking, put-downs, and sexual innuendoes which serve to influence behavior and keep people "in their place" (Alberts, 1992; DiTomasso, 1989; Kolb & Putnam, 1992; Kramarae, 1992; MacKinnon, 1979).

When taken together, varying attempts to control women, sexuality, and expressions of "private" or emotional experiences can lead to self-surveillance. That is, even in the absence of tangible, institutionalized control mechanisms, women monitor their own actions in order to avoid negative sanctions. Accounts of women "de-feminizing" themselves and minimizing behaviors which could be construed as "motherly" or "wifely" in order to fit in and advance in male-dominated cultures are prevalent (Acker, 1992; Cantor & Bernay, 1992; Cockburn, 1991; Ferguson, 1984; Harrigan, 1977; Schaef, 1981). Even women with no "family ties" reportedly engage in guessing games regarding if, and when, coworkers will ascribe "maternal instincts" to them, thereby diminishing career opportunities (Acker, 1992). In addition, considerable risks are involved in mobilizing support (Goldsmith & Parks, 1990). Women can fear being perceived as unable to cope, thereby jeopardizing career prospects. Fear of recrimination can further contribute to women's "muting" and self-surveillance.

Control and resistance are inseparable, such that where there is power there is necessarily resistance (Foucault, 1977). Processes of organizational control and resistance are dialectical, in that organizational members, acting as individuals, actively or inactively resist others' attempts to dominate, control, and/or discipline them. Resistance can be manifested in a variety of forms, including outright disregard/ignoring of the rules and policies in question, covert or overt attacks on policy creators, and/or the creation and enforcement of a wide array of disciplinary practices which allow for control in those areas which previously were left unattended (Alvesson, 1993; Burawoy, 1979; Burrell, 1992b; Foucault, 1977). Influence can be exerted while ostensibly remaining within the "rules", as in restricting employees' space utilization, tightening break times and lengths, and/or increasing surveillance over those protected by rules or policies (Barker & Cheney, 1994; Tompkins & Cheney, 1985; Weisman, 1994). Employees lower in organizational hierarchies also display a variety of resistance (control) techniques, ranging from sabotage, work slow downs, and strikes to the more subtle forgotten phone call or misplaced document. Additionally, absence represents workplace control, in that it signifies a resistance to power, and serves as a form of power unto itself (Mumby & Stohl, 1991; Stohl & Sotirin, 1990).

Institutional attempts to control or suppress people, particularly regarding sex or gender relations, are met with resistance (Burrell, 1992a, 1992b; Foucault, 1977). Thus, despite organizational rules to the contrary, women in organizations continue to socialize, celebrate family and personal accomplishments, and provide aid and support to one another (Brand & Hirsh, 1990). Although actively controlled, the expression of emotions and sexuality regularly occur in the workplace (Hochschild, 1983; Pringle, 1992; Waldron, 1994).

Proponents of "feminist standpoint" theory argue that although women share commonalties, they have diverse world views which affect, and are affected by their varying life experiences (Burrell, Buzzanell, & McMillan, 1992; Kramarae, 1996; Wood, 1994, 1996). These "standpoints," arising from women's differing social, economic, ethnic, age, geographic and other circumstances, can account for a spectrum of approaches for making sense of one's social world. A feminist "standpoint" recognizes that all women are not the same, and attempts to reduce all women's experiences into one universalistic version of "women's experience" must be viewed with suspicion (Gluck & Patai, 1991; Roof & Weigman, 1995; Oleson, 1994).

Motherhood is a social construction encompassing a wide spectrum of experiences and reflecting shifting socio-historical and cultural values (Chodorow, 1978; Eisenstein, 1986; Hochschild, 1997; Knowles, 1990; Rich, 1986/1976). Family structures have transformed over recent decades, diversifying mothering experiences. More women delay pregnancy until they are well established in careers, with many starting families in their 30's and mid-30's (Casey, 1995; US Census Bureau, 1999). High divorce rates contribute to increasing numbers of families composed of one parent, typically the mother (US Census Bureau, 1999). A preponderance of families are composed of parents and children blended together from one or more marriages, resulting in increases in step-parenting forms (Salwen, 1990). Women who, for various reasons, including choice, artificial insemination, "dead beat Dads," and widowhood, are raising children without a father present are also shaping family structures (Pollack, 1990; Stiglitz, 1990). Adult children returning to live with parents, and parents electing to raise their children's children, all comprise family. As family structures become more complex, so do experiences related to motherhood and work.

Age and ethnicity, position and tenure with employing organizations, family responsibilities, and economic opportunity all provide different lenses for women's experiences. All of these lenses need to be privileged in order to gain a richer description of women's communication surrounding motherhood and organizational participation. Privileging women's experiences helps reduce the effects of years of "silencing" and "muting" of women's voices (Dervin, 1987; Foss & Foss, 1991; Kramarae, 1981; Reinharz, 1992). Further, such an approach helps rectify previous "homogenization" of women's experiences, such that their perspectives can be brought to light (Acker, 1992; Calás, 1992; Ramazanoglu, 1989; Roof & Weigman, 1995). Critical and feminist research approaches encourage social transformation and increasing people's awareness about social arrangements in which they participate (Deetz, 1982; Dervin, 1987; Farrell & Aune, 1979; Foss & Foss, 1991; Marshall, 1993; Mumby, 1993a, 1993b, 1993c).

Three general research questions, suggested by the literature, guide this inquiry. RQ1: How do women communicate with others in the workplace about their identities as mothers? RQ2: How is self-serveillance enacted and communicated by working mothers? RQ3: How do working women resist attempts to control motherhood in the workplace?

This study focused on women's accounts of their experiences regarding motherhood and organizational participation. It sought to facilitate movement from a researcher-centered agenda by privileging tellers' perspectives, such that participants' own language and definitions of the world could emerge (Anderson & Jack, 1991; Burnett, 1991; Geertz, 1983; Manning & Cullum-Swan, 1994, Van Manen, 1990). Participants' existing theories and insiders' views (Geertz, 1983) about work and motherhood, connotative definitions of key concepts and phrases, and dominant metaphors are highlighted. Participants' voices are made more accessible via an open, caring approach which complements moral concerns of feminism (Anderson & Jack, 1991; Oleson, 1994; Reinharz, 1992).

Participants were seventeen women over the age of 21, who were employed outside of the home at least 20 hours per week and had children living at home. Participants were actively sought to represent a variety of "standpoints" with respect to: occupation, industry and type of employing organization, organizational size, number of hours worked per week, number and ages of children, marital status and home support, age, and ethnicity (See Note 1). Interviews followed a semi-structured protocol intended to fulfill the study's objectives while encouraging exploration in other areas identified by participants, or as a result of emergent dialogue (Anderson & Jack, 1991; Hollway & Jefferson, 1995; Minister, 1991). The protocol incorporated phenomenological elements of temporality, spatiality, relationality, and corporeality (Polkinghorne, 1983). Interviews were conducted at times and places convenient to participants, with most choosing to meet at their homes. Length ranged from 45 minutes to two hours and fifteen minutes, with most lasting one and one-half hours.

Tape-recorded interview proceedings were transcribed verbatim to allow for textual analysis. Raw transcripts were edited and prepared according to Poland's (1995) suggestions for improving the quality of interview transcripts. A uniform transcription coding scheme, which identifies exchange numbers, statements made by the interviewer, and participants' statements by pseudonyms, was used (See Note 2.). Transcripts ranged from 16 to 36 single-spaced pages of text. The seventeen interview transcripts totaled 378 pages of text.

An inductive analysis, informed by existing research, yet based upon participants' emergent frameworks was employed (Anderson & Jack, 1991; Nelson, 1989; Reinharz, 1992). Initial thematization focused on constraining and maintaining identities and women's communication with co-workers and superiors. Themes across questions, and general themes within participants' narratives were analyzed. Audio-tapes were audited twice. The first audit, while in a reflective mode, focused on general content and flow. The second audit assumed a more critical stance and noted any gaps, inconsistencies, and internal patterns. Texts were audited for accuracy, then read several times. During the first few readings, no notations were made. In successive readings, marginal notations were made regarding key concepts, terms, metaphors, emotionality and so on. Internal themes and patterns for each participant were also noted. Next, texts were viewed in light of other transcripts' topical content, and similarities and differences were noted. Finally, defining characteristics and topical summaries were written on 5" x 8" "Post-it" notes and attached to each transcript's cover page. Transcripts were then arranged so each note was clearly visible. Then, themes were tentatively labeled, and grouped according to exchange numbers corresponding to quotes comprising each theme.

Detailed written field notes were taken regarding the time, location, environment, and interactions associated with the interview process (Adler & Adler, 1994). Field notes were consulted to add depth to the description and analysis phase. Attention to recorded observations also enhances the "admissibility of evidence" gained via qualitative methods (Fitch, 1994).

A focus group discussion, centered upon the researcher's preliminary findings, was conducted with five participants (Byers & Wilcox, 1990; Morgan, 1988; 1993; Stewart & Shamdasani, 1990). This "internal audit" (Manning, 1995) accomplished many goals, including: assessing accuracy and validity with members of the interpretive community (Geertz, 1983; Van Manen, 1990), allowing the emergence of more relevant information, facilitating interaction and resource sharing among women with similar concerns (Reinharz, 1992; Swenson, Griswold, & Klieber, 1992), and enhancing research authenticity (Fitch, 1994; Lincoln, 1995; Manning, 1995). The focus group interview, lasting one and one-half hours, was audio and video-taped for subsequent transcription.

In order to avoid reducing participants to mere demographic characteristics, self-descriptors for each participant will be provided. All names and organizational referents have been altered to provide anonymity and confidentiality for participants, as well as for their families, organizations, and co-workers. Most participants chose their own pseudonyms. Self-identified ethnicity and other labels are contained in quotes to reflect their words.

Amy 33 year old "White Christian;" Part-time Retail Cashier Trainer. PTA Treasurer, Sunday School teacher, Soccer Coach. 9 year old daughter and 6 year old son. Married 11 years.

Ann 45 year old "White"; Full-time High School Teacher and Part-time University Instructor. 14 year old son. Married 18 years. Three step-children, aged 34, 30, and 28; one grandchild.

Dora 36 year old "Educated Black." Full-time Productivity/Procedures Administrator for large utilities company. Two sons, aged 5 and 10. Married 12 years.

Jan 26 year old "Half Jewish and Half Italian." Part-time Beautician. La Leche League participant and Community radio station host. 11 month old daughter. Married 4 years.

Jeni 34 year old "Jewish." Full-time Legal Council for non-profit health organization. Two year old son and expecting her second child in two weeks. Married 5 years.

Kay 38 year old "Black West Indian." Part-time Kindergarten Aide, Part-time Avon Sales. Home School Association Secretary. Three children - 15, 13, and 11. Married 19 years.

Lee 43 year old "White." Part-time Telephone Operator at family-run firm. Sunday School teacher. Son 13, and daughter 8 years old. "Single mom" for the past 6 months.

Lian 38 year old "White." Full-time Senior Insurance Representative for large national firm. 15 year old son from first marriage and a 2 year old daughter with current husband of 7 years.

Lisa 26 year old "White." Full-time Dental Care Coordinator for father-son practice. Three weeks away from delivering her first child. Married for 18 months.

Lois 40 year old "White Christian." Full-time Health Care Consultant. Two sons aged 19 and 22 from first marriage, an 11 year old daughter with her husband of 14 years. One grandchild.

Mad 42 year old "White." Full-time small business Office Manager. 17 year-old daughter and a 6 year-old son. Married 20 years.

Mary 35 year old, "Half Hispanic and Half Italian." Full-time Senior Center Program Director. Daughter 15 years old and son 12 years old. Married 16 years.

Mia 40 year old "Hispanic." Full-time Human Resources Director for large aerospace-technology firm. "Single mom" of a 12 year old daughter and 20 year old son. One grandchild.

Sue 36 year-old "White." Part-Time Emergency Room X-Ray Technologist and Part-time Out-Patient X-Ray Services Center Technician. Two daughters, 8 and 11. Married 15 years.

Tara 30 year old "Hispanic." Full-time 7th grade Teacher. Volleyball and cheer leading coach. Director of a school-sponsored Summer Program. "Single mom" of a three year old daughter.

Trudy 39 year old "White." Full-time Supermarket Cashier. Two children, aged 17 and 20, from first marriage. Currently raising a 17 month old with her live-in boyfriend of five years. Also has custody of his 8 year old son from a previous marriage. One grandchild.

Vee 49 year old "Black." Full-time Head Custodian at a state university. Assistant Pastor. 8 children ranging in age from 9 to 32. "At least" six grandchildren. Married 32 years.

Three central themes will be explicated here. "Children in the Workplace" relates to the presence of family at work. Participants' experiences with "bringing" children and families into the workplace— physically, electronically, and symbolically—will be highlighted. "Speaking of Motherhood" concerns "family talk" and the conversations which serve as the primary vehicle for bringing children to work. "Supervising Motherhood" concerns supervisory patterns and interactions women use in interpreting whether or not to edit ties to motherhood. Quotes were selected according to three criteria: 1.) representativeness--the degree to which the quote represents other participants' discourse (similar views); 2.) intensity--the degree to which language reflects emotional, cognitive, or behavioral attachment to the theme (strong views); and 3.) uniqueness or novelty--the degree to which the quote captures a unique viewpoint not previously expressed in the text (differing views).

Children In The Workplace

Showing children off. Children often physically enter the workplace, thereby cementing women's identities as "working MOTHERS." One common practice was introducing or "showing off" infants and toddlers during social visits with coworkers. Older children make occasional visits to the workplace, as in the "quick stop by" for money, documents, or lunch appointments. The second means by which children entered the workplace was during "emergency" child-care predicaments, such as child-care mix-ups and "snow days." Children also occasionally attended work-related functions and union meetings and were physically introduced during organizational social events, including fund-raisers or "family" cultural events.

Some children enter the workplace more than periodically. Mad selected a job primarily because her five-year-old son could go to work with her, thereby simplifying child care. Tara's three-year-old daughter, Kiki, is physically and symbolically integrated into her mother's (elementary school) workplace.

Staying connected. Children also enter the workplace through electronic means. Telephone calls, beepers, and e-mail were mentioned as highly valued means for staying connected with children throughout work shifts.

"Personal calls." Although several women equated permitting child-related telephone calls at work with organizational "support" for employees' family responsibilities, coworkers and supervisors do not always welcome electronic contact with families. Several narratives focused on describing the "rolling of eyes" or voices marked with impatience when "personal calls" were received at the workplace.

Symbolic entries. Other symbolic connections bind women in the workplace to their children. Family photographs, gifts, and children's art work grace the work spaces of most women. Even women in positions with little chance of personalized work spaces, including Amy as a Cashier Trainer, Trudy as a Cashier, and Sue as an X-Ray Technician, bring symbolic connections with them to work. Wallet-sized photographs and personalized key-chains or jewelry remind women (and coworkers) of their ties to their children. Finally, all women referred to an emotional connection with children that lasts throughout their at-work hours. Worry, concern, guilt, and missed interaction were commonly mentioned, as was the fear associated with leaving children home alone in potentially hazardous conditions.

Speaking of Motherhood

The most prevalent means by which children entered the workplace was through women's talk with coworkers. Several themes clustered around the issue of "family talk" at work. Although family is talked about quite often, many issues arose regarding how, with whom, and when and when not to communicate. Each theme will now be explored.

"The Club." Motherhood is seen as a shared experience akin to entering a "new club." Although some women included fathers, and even step-parents, in "the club," a mother's entry was almost automatic. As Jeni explains, this "new club" creates a "bond."

Subtle changes can occur in women's communication practices due to their entry into parenthood. As participants suggested, this may be due, in part, to the identity markers that pregnancy or accompanying children announce to other people. Empathic and supportive comments made in public by "strangers" were commonly mentioned by participants when describing interactions with others. Participants also reported that they are inclined to talk with other parents about their children due to this relational "connection." This "connection" among mothers and parents frequently occurs at the work place. Parenting experiences can provide a somewhat safe topic to discuss during the more sociable moments in the workplace.

"They are just clueless."The other side of "club" membership is that some are not granted entry. According to most women, non-parents, and particularly unmarried, childless people, have not had experiences which aid in comprehending what working mothers encounter.

Some men are allowed club entry while others are not. Fathers who are active in raising children, and who are particularly empathetic, are granted an almost "honorary membership." Sharing family stories, verbal affirmations of the value of family, and encouragement to take time to care for children's needs earned club status for many male co-workers and supervisors. Typically, however, men are characterized as not understanding the simultaneous demands of pregnancy, raising children, home maintenance, and careers. Dora described her manager as particularly "clueless" because, "He has a family, but you would never know it." For some, the bodily experience of being a woman is a necessary condition to being empathetic to motherhood.

"Proud things," Advice, and Venting. Fifteen participants talk about family either "all the time" or "almost all the time." Indeed, children enter the workplace throughout the day via coworkers' discussions. The most commonly discussed child-related topics are "proud things" or "bragging." Mothers of young children, in particular, delighted in sharing photographs to help "show off" children's good looks or growth and intellectual development. Mothers also shared updates about children's awards and accomplishments. Academic and athletic awards, and events showcasing special talents were also common.

Mothers can also provide each other free parenting advice, successful child rearing strategies, and what "works well." They share recommendations for child care providers, potty training, healing diaper rash, and handling curfews, cars, and discipline for older children.

"De-stressing" or "venting" was the next major family-related topic discussed among parents in the workplace. According to participants, venting is best accompanied by empathy.

"The good news we share, the bad news, we don't." Although some workplaces were described as "anything goes" in terms of what is discussed among coworkers, a few topics tended to be avoided. With only a few exceptions, women declined to talk about their husbands at work. As Sue stated, "Um, we didn't get too much into our husbands, you know, it's basically kids." Sex and intimacy were judged by all women as too "personal" or "private" to discuss at work.

Several women also avoided discussions of family "problems." The reasons for this varied, though. Some wished to present only the positive sides of their children and family life, perhaps in order to preserve their own positive identities.

Due to the demands of caring for families, homes, and careers, women can have difficulty maintaining friendships outside the workplace. Participants told of friendships "strained" when they became mothers, and more typically, of friendships that suffered due to a lack of time for socialization. Some told of "dates" with friends scheduled weeks in advance, only to be canceled due to a family event or "emergency."

Supervising Motherhood

"Setting the climate." While participants enjoy communicating with co-workers about motherhood, this is not always the case when communicating with superiors. Managers and supervisors are described as "setting the climate" for experiences of motherhood in the workplace. These women observe supervisors' actions surrounding family responsibilities and, based on these observations, choose how to present identities as mothers.

"Don't press my parent button."Supervisors set the tone for decisions regarding how, when, and with whom to communicate about family. Some women reported that they do not talk about families with supervisors due to a "lack of a trust," or because they "have nothing in common." For many however, the interpretation of their supervisor's approach to family provides clues on how to display their identities as mothers. Supervisors who convey empathy and respect for family responsibilities, grant earned time off without confrontation, and appear to respond positively to their own family obligations, help create a work environment where women openly discuss motherhood. In the absence of supervisors' positive regard for family, women are likely to "edit" communication with supervisors, and even coworkers.

The most dramatic examples of "editing" were provided by women who sensed that their supervisors held negative biases against working mothers. Communication would be limited to avoid placing themselves in potentially discriminatory circumstances.

Typically, women assess supervisors' and coworkers' approaches to family, yet rely heavily on their own comfort levels and other clues regarding representing motherhood at work.

"She's strictly management."Organizational size, industry, and women's position within organizational hierarchies impact experiences of supervision and their identities as mothers. Organizational practices and relational issues with supervisors were made clear by at least six participants. For example, Mad attributes positive experiences to the fact that she is the Office Manager in a small organization owned by a family-oriented man who encourages flexibility. Other participants, like Jan and Lee, saw smaller organizations as more amenable to flexibility, scheduling freedom, and bringing children to work. Lack of formalized policies can work in favor of women's needs as employees and mothers. Larger organizations were characterized as having more formalized policies with little room for mothering to enter the workplace.

The purpose of this investigation was to un-cover standpoints on motherhood and organizational participation, with particular attention to self-perpetuating communicative patterns. Participants' communication in this study supports a model of "navigating" or "traveling" among experiences without much regard for "boundaries" arbitrarily defined as public and private. In contrast to "the myth of separate worlds" (Kanter, 1977) or "boundary management" (Nippert-Eng, 1995), for these women, family is experientially intertwined with workplace experiences. Children physically and symbolically enter the workplace "all the time," and "personal" calls keep mothers in contact with children. Other expressions of fluid boundaries can be seen in participants' resistance to organizational attempts to expel family from the workplace. Communicative ties to motherhood are made visible or invisible according to these women's own desires to express or repress their identities as mothers.

Although organizational leaders purportedly attempt to limit conversation related to families, this research indicates that such exchanges can be a highly valued aspect of organizational membership. Participants' more vivid moments in the workplace concerned empathic, supportive, and advice-laden conversations with other mothers. Women working part-time and shift work mentioned that one positive aspect of work was "getting away from the house" to socialize and have "adult conversation." Ironically, these discussions were held with other mothers and often centered on children and home-related topics. Support networks built on sharing family advice are powerful morale enhancers, particularly for women with limited friendship ties outside of work. These support networks can enhance women's organizational loyalty and serve as a benefit for returning to, or remaining in, the workforce.

Participants' emergent definitions of "supportive communication" contribute to understanding mundane organizational communication practices. Supportive relationships for these mothers were marked by sharing "proud" stories, venting frustrations, and trading parenting advice. Encouraging communication was especially valued by participants with few friendship networks outside the workplace. "Supportive supervisors" understand the fluidity of work-family boundaries and permit family-related talk as well as occasional visits from children, either physically, symbolically, or electronically. They confirm women's identities as mothers by allowing motherhood to enter the organization, while still recognizing competence and professionalism. Other working mothers, and members of "the club," are expected to be particularly supportive due to their ability to empathize. These qualitative descriptions highlight the importance of workplace support (Brand & Hirsch, 1990; Burleson, 1990).

Managers and supervisors impact employees' family-related communication. Their approach serves as one important "clue" in assessing prevalent attitudes in the workplace concerning family responsibilities. Expressed "values" or attitudes toward parenting can impact relationships at work such that motherhood is either made more visible or more invisible in the workplace. Most important, though, is the widespread assumption among participants that women's professionalism is negatively linked to motherhood. Participants often expressed the belief that, in order to present a professional self, motherhood should be made less visible, particularly to those people in charge of performance evaluation or scheduling. Moreover, supervisors act as interpreters of organizational policies and can thus affect women's experiences of motherhood in the workplace by adhering to policies, by "bending" policies, or by making the policies appear stricter. Given the central role of supervisors and managers, any formalized work/family organizational initiative must consider the relational currents which could effectively nullify positive moves for working mothers.

Self-surveillance has been described as one of the most potent forms of ideological control in that disciplinary apparatus become self-regulating and unquestioned (Alvesson, 1993; Barker & Cheney, 1994; Deetz, 1982, 1992b; Foucault, 1977). Participants described conditions where self-surveillance is operational. Women are especially likely to edit communicative ties to motherhood when expectations of subtle or overt discrimination have been enacted in the workplace. Most participants cited constraints placed upon them by supervisors and coworkers, as well as organizational characteristics and sanctions as "setting the tone" in the workplace. Even women who reported that they are "up front" about their ties to mothering, expressed doubts about whether talking about children and establishing a verbal linkage to motherhood was a "good idea." These women monitor their own actions in light of standards for "good mothers" and "good employees," are mindful of mothers who "complain too much" or "abuse the system," and are careful not to replicate those behaviors for fear of recrimination, or worse yet, of "ruining it" for other mothers. They also monitor their communication and are careful not to present parts of their identities which might be judged undesirable by organizational members, especially supervisors who are not "family-oriented." All participants edit talk about mates, intimacy, and sex. Thus, in addition to de-sexualizing the workplace (Burrell, 1992a, 1992b), these women contribute "asexuality" to the list of requisite characteristics of "good mothers." Apparently, repressing sexuality complements expressing motherhood. It is also noteworthy that these women's self-serveillance efforts included editing out information concerning children's behavior which could be judged as undesirable. Women were more guarded in sharing stories about children with non-parents as they were seen as less accepting of the "stupid mistakes kids make." Even accounts of children's misbehavior can be "edited" in order to present a more positive "working mother" persona.

Uneasy tensions between being controlled and being in control, and the dialectics of control-resistance are illuminated when these women's perspectives are considered. While they quickly pointed out constraints to motherhood, including non-supportive relational dynamics and non-family-friendly organizational practices, participants simultaneously described themselves as choosing how they present their identities in the workplace. They carefully assess their work environment and other organizational members' experiences and values in their search for clues in determining how much to "edit" their communication regarding children and visible ties to motherhood. Thus, participants see themselves as controlling communication and responding to relational dynamics. These working mothers discursively positioned themselves as co-creators of work environments in which they choose how they communicate about family and child-related issues. Children visit, support networks form, and rules are "bent" in the interest of confirming "motherhood." While an empowering view of "working mothers," it stands next to the "tightwire walking" reported here.

This investigation surfaced issues faced by seventeen women representing a spectrum of experiences of motherhood in the workplace. Alternative standpoints on parenting in relation to organizational participation should be explored in future research. Certainly, men and women supervisors and managers from a variety of organizational contexts should be consulted to provide their perspectives on the work-family nexus. "Official" organizational policies versus "unofficial" enacted communicative dynamics represent one fruitful approach (Cockburn, 1991). The presence of "supportive men" and "proud fathers" in "The Club," combined with men's increasing demands for father-friendly organizational practices, warrant an investigation of men's perspectives on fatherhood and organizational participation, and particularly of men serving as primary care givers (Levine & Pittinsky, 1997). Single and childless employees can also provide differing viewpoints on family-related organizational programs and on relational dynamics surrounding parenting responsibilities of co-workers. Finally, as implied by these women's experiences, more critical studies of the construction of organizational communities, wherein women create and maintain systems of control and resistance, should be undertaken (Ashcraft & Packanowsky, 1996).

*Author's Note:  This manuscript was based on portions of a doctoral dissertation: "The voice of choice: Communicating and experiencing motherhood with/in the workplace." An earlier draft of this manuscript was presented at the annual conference of the National Communication Association, New York, NY, November, 1998.

[1]: Although women's experiences must be viewed from a gestalt, or a combination of factors that lead to a particular lifestyle and viewpoint, for analysis purposes it is important to note that participants' demographics reflect a variety of experiences. Ages ranged from 26 to "forty something something," with most women in their late 30's and early 40's. They also represent diversity in terms of ethnicity, with self-identified ethnicity including: White, Hispanic, Black, Jewish, Christian, and West Indian. Most women were currently married, with marriage length ranging from 1 to 35 years. One was separated from her husband of 20 years. Some had been married previously. Two were divorced and were, at the time of this study, single. One was living with her mate of five years. Participants also differed according to the highest educational level achieved. All participants, except one, were high school graduates. Half achieved college or technical school degrees, and two hold advanced degrees.

Participants' paid work experiences also varied widely. The number of hours worked per week ranged from a low of 20 to a high of "60 plus" hours. Full time and part-time shift work, as well as various professions were represented. Some of the women combined either two part-time jobs or a full-time and a part-time job. Occupations included: Lawyer; Human Resource Director; Program Director; Dental Plan Coordinator; High School Teacher, Middle School Teacher; Kindergarten Aide; X-Ray Technologist; Health Care Consultant; Productivity/Procedures Administrator; Senior Insurance Representative; Head Custodian; Office Manager; Hair Dresser; Telephone Operator; Cashier Trainer; and Cashier. The size of the employing organizations, according to number of employees, ranged from a husband-wife entrepreneurship of 2, to an international corporation employing over 8000 at the location where the participant works. Volunteer activities ended up being quite substantial among this group, including PTA leadership, religious care and instruction, and coaching for cheer leading and sports teams. It is important to note that participants also reflected on previous experiences with other employing organizations, thus enhancing the diversity of work experiences represented.

Finally, participants represented a range of experiences regarding "mothering." The number of children ranged from eight to zero (expecting her first in two weeks). The ages of children ranged from minus two-weeks to 32 years old. Three women had families with significant age differences between children, or what one woman referred to as "two sets of only children" (a six year old and a 17 year old; a 2 year old and a 14 year old; and another woman had an 18 month old, a 17 year old, a 19 year old and grandchildren.) In addition, five women were grandmothers, and two had experiences with step-parenting.

[2] Participants' statements are identified by pseudonyms (Mary). "INT" indicates the interviewer/researcher's questions and comments. The number following names indicates the exchange number within the interview process. In some cases, quotes have been edited to impart some indication of participants' inflection or verbal punctuation. Two dots (. .) indicate a pause within the conversation. Verbatim responses have been retained except in rare instances. Although all efforts were made to ensure that the participants' full expression is represented, ellipses were applied in order to protect anonymity, to retain the flow or readability of a passage, or to shorten long quotes which were repetitive in nature. Three dots, or ellipses (. . .), indicate that the researcher has eliminated certain passages of the participant's quotes. Bracketed information [ ] denotes the researcher's insertion of pseudonyms or other information designed to protect participants' identities while maintaining comprehension for the reader.

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